Not only the military but journalists, academics, businessmen, and even jurists are vulnerable: anyone who criticizes the AKP; champions equal rights for Turkey’s large Kurdish minority; or, still more perilous, probes the penetration of Turkish schools, universities, media, and bureaucracy by the AKP’s own “deep state” ally, a wealthy and powerful Islamist movement directed from luxurious self-exile in the U.S. by Imam Fethullah Gülen, [Prime Minister Recep Tayyip] Erdogan’s friend and mentor.
raised fears that what many critics call a creeping authoritarian streak under Mr. Erdogan could accelerate. Mr. Erdogan is not only free to reshape the military, but has a much better chance of winning constitutional changes that could alter politics here for decades.
Even before the resignations, Mr. Erdogan had carved out a newly muscular role for Turkey in foreign policy, openly challenging the way the United States manages its two most pressing issues in the region, Iran’s nuclear program and the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. The shift has made him a hero to the Arab world, but raised questions about whether Turkey would abandon its lengthy effort to join the European Union.”
for many in aging and debt-weary Europe, Turkey’s economic renaissance poses a completely new question: who needs the other one more — Europe or Turkey?
It is an astonishing transformation for an economy that just 10 years ago had a budget deficit of 16 percent of gross domestic product and inflation of 72 percent. It is one that lies at the root of the rise to power of Mr. Erdogan, who has combined social conservatism with fiscally cautious economic policies to make his Justice and Development Party, or A.K.P., the most dominant political movement in Turkey since the early days of the republic.
So complete has this evolution been that Turkey is now closer to fulfilling the criteria for adopting the euro — if it ever does get into the European Union — than most of the troubled economies already in the euro zone.